외교부

Korean Council on Foreign Relations
New Year’s Address

by H.E. Cho Tae-yul, Minister of Foreign Affairs

January 7^th 2025

Unofficial Translation

Your Excellency Ban Ki-Moon, the 8^th UN Secretary-General, 

Esteemed Former Ministers,

Ambassador Shin Bong-gil, President of the Council on Foreign Relations,

and all veteran diplomats present here, 

Good morning. It is a great pleasure for me to meet former 

colleagues gathered here today whom I have not met for many 

years and exchange New Year’s greetings. My thanks go to the 

Council on Foreign Relations for this opportunity.

The Year of the Blue Snake has dawned but the shock and pain

experienced at the end of 2024 still linger in various corners of 

our society, weighing heavily on my heart. 

First and foremost, I feel a profound sense of responsibility and

cannot begin to express how sorry I am especially to my senior 

colleagues about the unfortunate events that have unfolded over 

the past month. 

I have accepted as my fate where I stand now in these chaotic 

times, putting aside my own personal anguish, but I have to 

confess that the burden is immense and the reality I face is brutal. 

It is my fervent hope that the New Year will quickly herald a new 

era of calm and order, leaving the turmoil of last year behind us.

And I pledge to give every fiber of my being, with a belief that it 

is my calling to fully discharge my responsibilities during this

transitional period. 

Distinguished colleagues,

The international community strongly acknowledges our 

democratic resilience and the functioning of our constitutional

process in the aftermath of the recent declaration of martial law. 

At the same time, it is also true that there are concerns in certain 

quarters about the possibility of our domestic situation further 

descending into turmoil. 

As uncertainties in our domestic politics grow, so does the 

volatility of our foreign exchange and financial markets, 

aggravating our economic hardships.

What is more, we are facing ever-stronger headwinds from the 

outside as well. As the new U.S. administration prepares to take office, 

the international landscape is becoming increasingly 

unpredictable and a transactional approach to international 

relations is putting big question marks over traditional alliances 

and partnerships as well as the rules-based multilateral order. 

We are not alone in harboring such anxieties; other like-minded 

developed countries share them, too. 

And then there will unquestionably be some countries who will

attempt to exploit this situation to expand their influence, 

intensifying strategic competition among major powers. 

While efforts to bring an expeditious resolution to the conflicts in 

Ukraine and the Middle East are expected to gain traction under 

the new U.S. administration, the tensions in the Indo-Pacific

region—on the Korean Peninsula, in the Taiwan Strait, and in the 

South China Sea—are unlikely to ease up. In fact, they may even get worse. 

Such unprecedented geopolitical upheavals call for, more than ever, 

agile diplomacy. Yet, it is at this very juncture that Korean 

diplomacy finds its hands tied by unparalleled domestic political polarization. 

The remarkable achievements of the Republic of Korea over the

past 70 some years under liberal democracy and the market 

economy are invaluable diplomatic assets. 

Whatever damage the recent events may have inflicted on our 

global reputation, the diplomatic achievements we have 

painstakingly built should not be denigrated or rejected. For we 

cannot afford to falter or change our course when domestic and

international challenges are as complex and dire as at the present moment. 

Now is the time to recall Churchill’s memorable words: 

“Never let a crisis go to waste.”

We must reduce swings in our foreign policy and be steadfastly 

consistent in our vision and our goals. At the very least, the whole 

nation must unite in a sense of where our foreign policy should be

headed—a direction that will determine our country’s long-term 

trajectory. 

To this end, I fully recognize that the Foreign Ministry must hold 

its own, remain calm as it steers the course at the helm. 

You may feel some frustrations and desire to take us to task, but I

humbly ask that you set aside your criticisms for the time being 

and instead lend your support and encouragement during these 

challenging times. 

In trying times like these, your wisdom and time-tested insights 

are more vital than ever. Constructive criticism is important -- but 

it should be grounded in objective and accurate facts. 

I cannot readily agree with claims that the government has been 

overly focused on values-based diplomacy during the past two 

and a half years, leading our foreign policy astray. 

As authoritarianism poses ever more significant challenges to 

liberalism and democracy, it strays from reality to view values 

and national interests as antithetical or as a binary choice. 

It goes without saying that we must strengthen our solidarity with 

democratic nations to uphold universal values and the rules-based 

international order -- both of which have helped the Republic of 

Korea come as far as it has today. 

It would be antinomical to abandon democratic values in our 

foreign policy – the same cherished values we have worked so

hard to uphold at home over the last seventy decades or so 

through all the trials and tribulations. 

Flexibility is, indeed, necessary to respond with agility to 

geopolitical fluidity. But the core goals and vision of our 

diplomacy must remain unwavering. 

Amongst the many foreign policy challenges, there is no question

that the most urgent one at hand is preparing for the second 

Trump administration which will be inaugurated in less than two weeks. 

Some believe that our status as an interim government may be

hindering the establishment of direct contact with President-elect

Trump and his close advisors. 

However, challenges in establishing direct contact is not unique 

to us, nor has the ROK-U.S. Alliance suffered as a result. 

The government has maintained communication channels with 

the Trump team despite the difficulties and is going all out to 

establish robust consultation mechanisms immediately after the 

new administration takes office. 

Additionally, we will not cease in our efforts to maintain the 

momentum of the ROK-U.S. Alliance and ROK-U.S.-Japan 

trilateral cooperation until the very last day of the Biden 

administration. Yesterday's meeting with Secretary of State

Blinken aimed to demonstrate this shared commitment to 

audiences both at home and abroad. 

I am also aware of criticisms in some quarters that our diplomacy

over the past two and a half years has strained ROK-China relations. 

I wish to remind such critics that we spearheaded resumption of

Korea-Japan-China trilateral summit last May after a four-and-a-

half year hiatus, which led to Chinese Premier Li Qiang’s visit to 

Seoul on that occasion. There have been three official meetings 

and frequent phone calls between myself and Foreign Minister

Wang Yi. And the two countries held a summit on the sidelines of

the APEC Summit in Peru last November. I ask: do these

achievements count for nothing? 

During the past two and a half years, the government has worked 

to develop a healthy relationship with China on the basis of 

mutual respect, reciprocity, and shared interests. In areas where 

we disagree, Korea has been standing up and communicating our 

position through candid and open dialogues. 

The positive changes we are now seeing in ROK-China relations 

are the fruits of these continued efforts. I believe such endeavors 

must be sustained over a considerable period to nurture a healthier 

and more mature ROK-China relationship.

The fact that the Republic of Korea and China hold the 

chairmanship of APEC for 2025 and 2026, respectively, augurs well. 

The government plans to leverage this connection wisely to 

foster the steady advancement of ROK-China relations.  

When it comes to Japan, this year marks the 60th anniversary of

the normalization of diplomatic relations, and we aim to continue 

strengthening cooperative momentum by sustaining high-level exchanges. 

The untapped potential for cooperation is too great, as are our 

shared challenges, for the two countries to halt or stall the hard-won

improvements in relations. Nor can we afford to squander 

the valuable opportunities this milestone anniversary presents. 

And for the remainder of my tenure, I will also make utmost

efforts to further solidify a virtuous cycle between ROK-Japan 

relations and ROK-U.S.-Japan trilateral cooperation, 

which are like two interlocking cogwheels. 

As for Korea-Japan-China cooperation, whose chairmanship

Japan takes over this year, we aim to generate further impetus and 

establish it as a major mini-lateral consultative platform in the region.

I plan to engage in wholehearted discussions on all these issues 

with Foreign Minister Iwaya, who will visit Korea in a matter of days. 

When it comes to addressing growing uncertainties ahead of us, I 

believe that we need a more holistic long-term national strategy. 

This is why the government has been making strenuous efforts to 

strengthen multilayered plurilateral networks with like-minded 

countries in the G7 and NATO, alongside the ROK-U.S. Alliance. 

Here, I stress that a stronger partnership with the G7 isn’t just

about elevating Korea’s global standing. 

It’s a strategic vehicle to ensure policy alignment with the G7

nations, thereby undergirding the consistency of our foreign policy, 

as well as to raise our governance standards to G7 levels.  

Similarly, our sustained efforts to institutionalize cooperation

with NATO is a reflection of the deepening nexus between 

security in the Indo-Pacific and in Europe.

Relations with Russia remain a difficult challenge. 

The “Treaty on Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” signed 

between Russia and North Korea last June underscores how 

Russia-North Korean relations are deepening in ways that 

hark back to the Cold War era. 

Some argue that deepening Russia-North Koreas ties are the 

consequences of our allegedly-flawed policies towards 

North Korea and Russia. However, it is undeniable that their military 

cooperation stems from their own mutual necessity driven by the 

Ukraine war, rather than as a reaction to our policy

Faced with the deployment of North Korean troops to Russia – 

something not seen even during the Cold War -- we cannot 

simply go about our relations with Russia as if nothing had happened. 

The government, in collaboration with like-minded partners, will 

continue to urge Russia and North Korea to cease their illegal 

military cooperation. 

We will also seek to formulate phased and effective 

countermeasures, while holistically monitoring developments in 

the Ukraine war and in Russia-North Korea military cooperation, 

as well as the responses of the U.S. and NATO member states, 

among other factors.  

At the same time, we will keep communication channels with 

Russia open and manage Korea-Russia bilateral relations strategically, 

recognizing the immutable fact that Russia remains a key player 

in the present and future of the Korean Peninsula. 

Regarding North Korea and its nuclear threats, we will prepare responses 

and roadmaps to brace for the potential of direct U.S.-North Korea 

negotiations together with the U.S. administration. We will proactively

advance discussions with the U.S. to address these issues.

By closely coordinating with the U.S. in advance, we aim to build

consensus on the direction of a North Korea policy predicated on 

the objective of the complete denuclearization of North Korea. 

On the multilateral stage, we will actively work to restore our 

standing and credibility. 

The year 2025 is poised to be a milestone year: we will 

concurrently hold seats on the UN Security Council, the Human 

Rights Council, and the Economic and Social Council, while also

chairing MIKTA, a middle-power consultative platform. 

The government will seize these opportunities to reaffirm Korea’s

unwavering commitment to serving global peace and prosperity. 

Above all, we will mobilize all available resources and make

thorough preparations to ensure the success of this year’s APEC

Summit in Gyeongju. 

We will also make sure there are no gaps in safeguarding 

economic security. 

Since the U.S. presidential election, I have been taking part in 

weekly meetings every Monday with the Deputy Prime Minister

for Economy and the Minister of Trade, Industry and Energy to 

meticulously prepare for the coming of the new U.S. administration. 

Going forward, we will maintain close public-private cooperation

and creatively harness private sector capabilities, especially those

of business, to complement the government's drives. 

As we navigate economic uncertainties following the transition of 

the U.S. administration, we will manage potential risks, while 

actively seizing opportunities to nurture forward-looking 

economic cooperation between the Republic of Korea and the U.S. 

In particular, we plan to put together economic cooperation 

packages, including in the shipbuilding sector which President-elect 

Trump mentioned during a recent phone conversation with President Yoon. 

We will thereby seek to highlight, early on, what Korea 

has to offer as the optimal partner for the new administration. 

Furthermore, we will reinforce economic diplomacy to minimize 

any negative fallout from the domestic political circumstances on 

business activities and foreign investments, while addressing 

economic security challenges like supply chain disruptions 

and energy crises.

As part of these efforts, I recently held a Joint Press Conference

with the Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs for the

foreign media in this very building to communicate Korea’s 

efforts to mitigate the adverse effects of recent events on our 

economy and diplomacy.

Distinguished Colleagues,

Arthur Vandenberg, the Republican Senator who, despite his

party affiliation, supported Democratic Presidents Roosevelt and 

Truman in World War II and forged bipartisan consensus in the 

early Cold War years famously said: "Politics stops at the water’s edge."

It is my sincere hope that the New Year will prompt a deep 

reflection amongst our political leaders so that Korea’s diplomacy 

can rise above partisan divisions and wisely navigate turbulent waters. 

I also hope that you, as veterans of diplomacy whom we look up to, 

will play a meaningful role in this endeavor. 

I have no doubt that we can overcome our current tribulations, 

when the passion and dedication of younger diplomats are 

combined with the insights and wisdom of experienced senior colleagues. 

May the New Year close the chapter on the painful memories of 

the last year and bring only good fortune to each and every one of you. 

Thank you for your attention. I wish you all the best in the New Year. /END/